THE WHO
We'll be fighting in the streets
THE WHO
We'll be fighting in the streets
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El Presidente Trump is cast in the mold of all tinpot Latin American despots who terrorize their populations, surround themselves with sycophants, goons and crooks, and enrich themselves — Trump and his family have amassed more than $1.8 billion in cash and gifts from leveraging the presidency — while erecting tawdry monuments to themselves.
“Trujillo on Earth, God in Heaven” — Trujillo en la tierra, Dios en el cielo — was posted by state order in churches during the 31-year reign of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo in the Dominican Republic.
His supporters, like Trump’s, nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Trump’s con artist pastor, Paula White-Cain, offered an updated version of Trujillo’s self-deification when she warned, “To say no to President Trump would be saying no to God.”
Trump is the gringo version of Anastasio “Tachito” Somoza in Nicaragua or Haiti’s François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, who amended the constitution to have himself anointed “President for Life.”
One of the most celebrated images of the Haitian dictator’s long rule shows Jesus Christ with a hand on the shoulder of a seated Papa Doc, with the caption, “I have chosen him.”
ICE thugs are the incubus of Papa Doc’s dreaded 15,000-strong Tonton Macoute, his secret police who indiscriminately detained, beat, tortured, jailed or killed 30,000 to 60,000 of Duvalier’s opponents and which, along with the Presidential Guard, consumed half the state budget.
El Presidente Trump is Venezuela’s Juan Vicente Gómez, who looted the nation to make himself the wealthiest man in the country and disdained public education to — in the words of the scholar Paloma Griffero Pedemonte — “keep the people ignorant and docile.”
El Presidente — in every dictatorship — follows the same playbook.
It is a grotesque opera buffa.
No encomium is too outrageous.
No bribe too small.
No violation of civil liberties too extreme.
No stupidity too absurd.
All dissent, no matter how tepid, is treason.
Executive orders, budget cuts, gerrymandering, the seizure of polling stations and voting machines, the abolition of mail-in balloting, the overseeing of the vote count and the purging of voter rolls ensure fixed election results.
Institutions, from the press to the universities, kneel down before the idiocy of El Presidente.
Legislatures are obsequious echo chambers for El Presidente’s whims and self-delusions.
It is a world of magical realism, where fantasy replaces reality, mythology replaces history, the immoral is moral, tyranny is democracy and lies are true.
It is not only violence and intimidation that keep El Presidente in power.
It is the stupefying inversion of reality, the daily denial of what we perceive and its replacement by disorienting fictions that keep us off balance. This, combined with state-induced fear, turns countries into open-air prisons. Human consciousness is bombarded until it is broken and becomes a well-oiled cog in the vast carceral machine.
The warped psychology of El Presidente Trump is captured by Miguel Ángel Asturias in his novel “El Señor Presidente,” inspired by the dictatorship of Manuel Estrada Cabrera who ruled Guatemala for 22 years; Gabriel García Márquez’s “The Autumn of the Patriarch,” Julia Alvarez’s “In the Time of the Butterflies” and Mario Vargas Llosa’s “The Feast of the Goat” and “Conversation in the Cathedral.”
These novels offer better insight into where we are headed than most tomes on U.S. politics.
“Everything is for sale here,” writes Julia Alvarez in her novel, “everything but your freedom.”
Dictators — hermetically sealed in the cloying adulation of court life — swiftly lose touch with reality.
Conspiracy theories, quack science, bizarre beliefs and superstitions take the place of evidence and facts.
Sociopathic, incapable of empathy or remorse and given to describing the world in vulgarities and childish sentimentality, dictators cannot distinguish between good and evil.
They wield power solely for how it makes them feel. If they feel good, it is good. If they feel bad, it is bad. L’état, c’est moi.
“The chief qualification of a mass leader has become unending infallibility,” Hannah Arendt writes in “The Origins of Totalitarianism,” “he can never admit an error. Mass leaders in power have one concern which overrules all utilitarian considerations: to make their predictions come true.”
The dictator of El Salvador in the 1930s, Gen. Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, who passed a series of laws that restricted Asian, Arab, and Black immigration and who ordered the massacre of an estimated 30,000 peasants in the wake of an abortive uprising in January 1932, was convinced sunlight cast through colored bottles cured illnesses.
In the midst of a smallpox epidemic, he ordered colored lights to be hung throughout the capital, San Salvador.
When his youngest son had appendicitis, he brushed aside doctors to try his colored-lights cure, which resulted in his son’s death.
He turned down a donation of rubber sandals for the country’s schoolchildren, announcing: “It is good for children to go barefoot. That way they better receive the beneficial effluvia of the planet, the vibrations of the Earth. Plants and animals do not wear shoes.”
El Presidente Trump is cut from this vein.
He does not exercise because he insists the human body resembles a battery with a finite amount of energy.
He urged the public — during the COVID-19 crisis — to inject disinfectant into themselves and irradiate with ultraviolet light.
He warned pregnant women not to take Tylenol during a press conference where he babbled incoherently, suggesting it causes autism.
He dismissed the climate crisis, tweeting, “The concept of global warming was created by and for the Chinese in order to make U.S. manufacturing non-competitive,” only to later say he was joking while claiming that “it’ll change back again.”
The noise of wind turbines, he suggested, causes cancer.
Former Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau, he mused, may be the secret son of Fidel Castro.
Dictators wallow in kitsch.
Kitsch requires zero intellectual investment.
It glorifies the state and the cult leader.
It celebrates a fantasy world of virtuous rulers, a happy, adoring population and idealized portraits of the citizens.
In the case of Trump, this means white citizens. It glitters and sparkles, like the garish gold trophies and vases lined up on the mantelpiece in the Oval Office that have been matched by equally tasteless gold coasters with Trump’s name on them.
It snuffs out culture. The National Symphony Orchestra at the Kennedy Center now opens all its performances with the national anthem.
Trump, who appointed himself the new chairman of the center, posted, “NO MORE DRAG SHOWS, OR OTHER ANTI-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA.”
This year’s season at the Kennedy Center, where the name Donald J. Trump has been etched into the marble of the Hall of States, opened with “The Sound of Music.”
The Trump-appointed interim president of the Kennedy Center, Richard Grenell, hopes to make the center’s programming more “like Paula Abdul.”
Milan Kundera described kitsch as an aesthetic, “in which shit is denied, and everyone acts as though it does not exist,” adding that it is “a folding screen set up to curtain off death.”
Trujillo raped the wives of his associates, ministers and generals, along with courtesans and young girls.
Trump, who was a close friend of pedophile Jeffrey Epstein, has been accused of rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment by at least two dozen women.
Julie Brown, in her book “Perversion of Justice: The Jeffrey Epstein Story,” writes that an anonymous woman, using the pseudonym “Kate Johnson,” filed a civil complaint in federal court in California in 2016, alleging she was raped by Trump and Epstein — when she was 13 — over a four-month period from June to September 1994.
“I loudly pleaded with Defendant Trump to stop,” she said in the lawsuit. “Trump responded to my pleas by violently striking me in the face with his open hand and screaming that he could do whatever he wanted.”
Johnson said she met Trump at one of Epstein’s “underage sex parties” at his New York mansion. She says she was forced to have sex with Trump several times, including once with another girl — 12 years old — whom she labeled “Marie Doe.”
Trump demanded oral sex and afterward “pushed both minors away while angrily berating them for the ‘poor’ quality of their sexual performance,” according to the lawsuit, filed in April 26, 2016, in the U.S. District Court in the Central District of California.
When Epstein learned Trump had taken Johnson’s virginity, he allegedly “attempted to strike her about the head with his closed fists,” furious that he had lost the opportunity.
Trump, she said, did not take part in Epstein’s orgies. He liked to watch while 13-year-old “Kate Johnson” gave him a hand job.
Johnson said Epstein and Trump threatened to harm her and her family if she spoke of their encounters.
The lawsuit was dropped, most probably by way of a lucrative settlement. She has since disappeared.
Dictators are not content with silencing their critics and opponents. They take sadistic delight in humiliating, ridiculing and destroying them.
“For my friends everything, for my enemies the law,” Óscar R. Benavides, the authoritarian president of Peru said, summing up the credo of all dictators. The law is weaponized as an instrument of revenge. Innocence and guilt are irrelevant.
The Justice Department’s indictment of former Trump adviser John Bolton, New York Attorney General Letitia James and former FBI director James Comey, and the subpoenas served to former CIA director John Brennan, former FBI special agent Peter Strzok and former FBI lawyer Lisa Page, send the core message of all dictatorships — collaborate or be persecuted.
This culture of vengeance calcifies civic and political life.
Dictators vainly seek what they cannot achieve: immortality. They flood their countries with images of themselves to ward off death. Trujillo had the capital Santo Domingo, renamed Ciudad Trujillo and the island’s highest mountain — Pico Duarte — renamed Pico Trujillo.
Trump wants the proposed Washington Commanders $3.7 billion stadium to be named after himself.
The Treasury Department has released draft designs for a commemorative one dollar coin — featuring Trump’s face on both sides — to celebrate the nation’s 250th anniversary.
There are plans to name the Kennedy Center’s opera house after the first lady.
The $40 million that Amazon paid for the rights to film a documentary about Melania Trump, will no doubt replicate the fawning coverage given to Elena Ceaușescu — known as “the Mother of the Nation” — on Romanian state television during the reign of her husband, Nicolae Ceaușescu.
Huge, expensive banners with El Presidente Trump’s face adorn the exterior of federal buildings in the capital.
This, along with the various Trump Towers throughout the world, is just the beginning.
Flood the world with Trump portraits, emblazon his name on buildings and public squares, pay ceaseless homage to his divinity and genius, and death is held at bay.
Mario Vargas Llosa writes in “The Feast of the Goat” how dictatorships turn everyone into accomplices:
"The rich too, if they wanted to go on being rich, had to ally themselves with the Chief, sell him part of their businesses or buy part of his, and contribute in this way to his greatness and power.
With half-closed eyes, lulled by the gentle sound of the sea, he thought of what a perverse system Trujillo created, one in which all Dominicans sooner or later took part as accomplices, a system which only exiles (not always) and the dead could escape.
In this country, in one way or another, everyone had been, was, or would be part of the regime. “The worst thing that can happen to a Dominican is to be intelligent or competent,” he had once heard Agustín Cabral say (“A very intelligent and competent Dominican,” he told himself) and the words had been etched in his mind: “Because sooner or later Trujillo will call upon him to serve the regime, or his person, and when he calls, one is not permitted to say no.”
He was proof of this truth. It never occurred to him to put up the slightest resistance to his appointments. As Estrella Sadhalá always said, the Goat had taken from people the sacred attribute given to them by God: their free will."
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Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief. He has taught at Columbia University, New York University, Princeton University, and the University of Toronto.
[Find the link to the web version of this article and the link to subscribe to Chris Hedges on Substack in the comments]
President for Life
Donald Trump is trying to amass the powers of a king.
With his every word and deed, Trump has given Americans reason to believe that he will seek a third term, in defiance of the Constitution. It seems abundantly clear that he will hold on to the office at any cost, including America’s ruin.
The clearest evidence that Trump may subvert upcoming elections is that he tried to overturn the 2020 election. He shocked the nation and the world when he ordered then–Vice President Mike Pence not to certify the votes electing Joe Biden president, while claiming that the election had been stolen from him by his “radical left” enemies, whoever they are. When Pence refused to yield to Trump’s demand, Trump instigated the attack on the U.S. Capitol to prevent Congress from counting the votes and certifying Biden as his successor.
Big Budget Act Creates a “Deportation-Industrial Complex” le
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The result will be a lopsided, enforcement-only machine that will be hard to dismantle.
August 13, 2025
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The so-called One Big Beautiful Act allocates more than $170 billion over four years for border and interior enforcement, with a stated goal of deporting 1 million immigrants each year. That is more than the yearly budget for all local and state law enforcement agencies combined across the entire United States. The bill adds billions of dollars to border enforcement, but the largest percentage increase goes to finding, arresting, detaining, and deporting immigrants already living in the U.S., most of whom have not committed a crime and many of whom have had lawful status.
Although the population of undocumented immigrants in the U.S. has remained fairly constant over the past 10 years, overall immigration has increased since the 1970s, and increased funding has been needed to fairly and efficiently address that growth. But the scale and focus of the increases are startling. The July 2025 funding package appropriates huge sums for deportations while neglecting processes that are needed for a fair and workable immigration system, such as immigration judges to ensure citizens or immigrants are not erroneously deported. The result will be a lopsided, enforcement-only machine. Most detention facilities will be operated by for-profit private prison corporations and other private contractors, creating strong economic and political interests that will make the new apparatus very difficult to dismantle.
Taken together long-term detention and surveillance contracts, rapid hiring increases for enforcement, and new monetary incentives for reprioritizing law enforcement on immigration will create a deportation-industrial complex—an enforcement machine with financial and political constituencies that will outlast this administration.
Scale and Recipients of the July 2025 Funding
The biggest piece of the pie for enforcement operations in the United States will go to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to arrest, detain, and deport immigrants. Congress gave ICE $75 billion over four years, approximately $18.7 billion each year. Added to the $10 billion Congress already appropriated ICE for fiscal year 2025 in March, ICE now has $28.7 billion at its disposal this year. That $28.7 billion figure is nearly triple ICE’s entire budget for FY24.
Two-thirds of ICE’s funding – $45 billion over four years – will be used to detain immigrants, potentially more than 100,000 people per year. The $11.25 billion added to ICE’s annual detention budget is a 400% increase from last year and exceeds the Department of Justice budget request for Fiscal Year 2026 for the entire federal prison system, which holds 155,000 people.
The law explicitly allows ICE to build more facilities to jail families, often mothers with their children, and does not align with a decades-old settlement that addresses the treatment of immigrant children.
The budget also gives approximately $30 billion over four years to ICE to track down, arrest, and deport immigrants, allowing it to hire 10,000 new officers. That amount is a 300% increase over ICE’s entire $10 billion prior-year budget.
The bill also allocates billions of dollars to Customs and Border Protection (CBP), which already received a $20 billion dollar appropriation for fiscal year 2025. The July funding bill gives CBP almost $65 billion more over 4 years, nearly $47 billion of which is earmarked for continued construction of a physical wall along the U.S.-Mexico border . This is a stark increase from the amount allocated to the border wall during the first Trump administration, when Congress appropriated $5 billion and President Trump ordered the Department of Defense to divert an additional $10 billion.
The remaining $18.2 billion for CBP in the July funding bill will go to hiring, facilities, technology, and surveillance. Surveillance of border communities already raises significant privacy concerns that CBP has failed to address. A funding surge will enable CBP to supercharge those efforts, further invading the privacy of citizens and noncitizens alike and eroding trust in the government.
Additional funds to support immigration enforcement go to state and local jurisdictions with more than $10 billion for border-related law enforcement support. Congress also gave the Department of Defense $1 billion and established an unrestricted $10 billion fund that the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security can allocate for any border enforcement purposes.
The administration has already significantly increased pressure on local jurisdictions to enter agreements with ICE to assist with immigration enforcement. Funneling huge sums to state and local jurisdictions will likely divert them from their core law enforcement priorities. The $10 billion unrestricted fund – an amount equal to ICE’s entire budget last year – gives DHS a huge immigration enforcement carrot to dangle in front of DHS components, private contractors, and local and state law enforcement agencies, enticing them to seek those funds to carry out DHS priorities with minimal accountability.
How does this compare to other law-enforcement spending?
The $170 billion price tag for immigration enforcement eclipses other law enforcement expenditures at the federal, state, and local level. It is more than the annual expenditures on police by state and local governments in all 50 states and the District of Columbia combined.
Even the slice that goes just to ICE this year – nearly $29 billion – exceeds the budgets for all other non-immigration federal law enforcement functions put together, eclipsing funding to agencies whose law enforcement missions involve pursuing terrorists, violent criminals, sex offenders, fentanyl and other drug traffickers, and gun traffickers.
Does the entire immigration system receive funding?
No. The law substantially increases funds for deportations without providing any money to make the system more fair or functional. While the administration is planning to deport a million immigrants each year, the law does not significantly increase access to the immigration courts — which already have a backlog of nearly 4 million cases — to assess whether they are citizens or otherwise entitled to stay in the United States.
In fact, the funding bill caps hiring of new immigration judges over the next three and a half years at 800 new judges. That’s a 14% increase compared to a 400% increase in funding for immigration detention centers. The disparity signals a plan to dispense with due process in deportations or to let immigrants languish in detention centers while waiting for a hearing. The current corps of immigration judges is already stretched desperately thin, particularly in the wake of the administration’s termination of 65 immigration judges, all of whom are career employees.
The result will be a lopsided, enforcement-only machine.
Legal help in immigration court fades as Trump administration ramps up arrests
The administration has also moved to halt all legal orientation and support programs that help vulnerable immigrants navigate the complex immigration system, including programs that help children and families separated during the first administration. In addition, there is no money in the bill to support the processing of lawful immigration or citizenship applications by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), which already has a record 11.3 million pending cases.
Who is ICE targeting for arrest and detention?
Although the administration repeatedly said it is deporting the “worst of the worst,” its enforcement efforts are sweeping in many people with no criminal records to meet the White House goal of arresting 3,000 immigrants a day. ICE also changed its policy to allow arrests in places that had been considered off-limits, so now agents are arresting mothers in front of their children as they take them to school, immigrants as they go to church, and asylum seekers when they seek protection in immigration courts.
The administration has also abruptly changed the rules. Immigrants who applied for and were granted legal or protected status have seen that status terminated and are now targets of the administration’s enforcement actions as well. They include immigrants who were lawfully paroled into the country, along with people with temporary protected status from countries experiencing ongoing civil unrest or environmental disasters. The same is true for individuals whose deportation had been deferred for humanitarian reasons such as children who are awaiting visas because they were abandoned or abused. The government is moving swiftly to arrest, detain, and deport them. The surge of new funding will increase the number of people it can target.
What do these allocations signal about the administration’s priorities?
The administration argues that ramped-up immigration enforcement is needed to improve public safety and national security and that it is prioritizing immigration enforcement over all other law enforcement efforts, even though research indicates that immigrants do not drive up crime rates. Nevertheless, the administration has pulled FBI, drug, and gun agents away from their core missions to help pursue immigrants. It also has cut crime prevention programs that supported efforts to reduce violence and criminal justice research across 48 states and territories. For fiscal year 2026, the administration is proposing further funding cuts, including eliminating 1,500 FBI employees, defunding other law enforcement agencies, and cutting vital programs designed to keep Americans safe. In short, all other federal public safety efforts now take a back seat to arresting and detaining immigrants – the vast majority of whom do not have a criminal record. Similarly, the administration’s funding allocation makes clear that deportation is the top priority, even if other core values – like due process to ensure the law is accurately applied – may be compromised.
What are the risks of the rapid, massive funding surge?
ICE will likely rush to spend its full allocation of funds, but it takes more than money to build detention facilities, hire additional staff, and buy equipment. It also requires staff to do the hiring and to ensure compliance with rules governing hiring and procurement. The rush to spend money fast is likely to result in large amounts of funding flowing to private contractors, with pressure to cut corners.
Private prison firms will reap most of the financial benefits of the detention budget, as nearly 90 percent of people in ICE custody are already held in for-profit prisons. Months before the president signed the budget bill in July, ICE already had solicited contracts from private firms, setting up an expedited contract process. The two largest for-profit companies have been significant financial supporters of the president and one has hired several former high-level ICE officials. Oversight of these private facilities is significantly diminished because the administration has gutted the oversight offices at DHS and is defying some efforts at Congressional oversight.
The rush to spend a 300% budget increase will also strain ICE’s ability to hire quality staff (roughly 10,000 deportation officers). According to a 2017 Inspector General report, to hire 10,000 officers, ICE would need 500,000 applicants, but the push to hire comes at a time when law enforcement agencies nationwide have had difficulty filling their ranks and unemployment rates are low. ICE already has special hiring authority that allows it to bypass the usual rigorous hiring procedures for federal employees, and deportation officers are not required to meet the same requirements as other federal law enforcement officers, such as having prior law enforcement experience. Pressure to hire quickly risks further lowering the bar or taking additional short cuts that are more likely to lead to hiring people whose work or criminal history should be disqualifying. Past efforts to accelerate the hiring of 5,000 CBP officers – half of the goal for new ICE hires – resulted in corruption rates, including for bribery by trafficking and smuggling organizations, that far exceeded rates of corruption at other law enforcement agencies.
What should happen instead?
An enforcement-heavy posture — with detention largely outsourced to for-profit companies— will build a durable deportation infrastructure that is hard to reverse once funding, contracts, and staffing are locked in. Once an agency receives funding and begins hiring and entering contracts for firms to build facilities and ramp up the nation’s immigrant detention apparatus, expectations for continued funding become entrenched, making it difficult to reverse the trend.
Instead of a deportation-only approach, funding should be balanced to screen for humanitarian claims like asylum; process more legal immigration applications; and hire enough judges to hold immigration court hearings. We are a nation of laws — including immigration laws — and a core American principle embedded in our Constitution is that everyone is entitled to due process to make sure that the law is being applied faithfully and accurately. Funding choices should reflect that principle.
This article first appeared at Just Security.